Sunday, April 29, 2012

halkevleri genelgelerinden secmeler:

"Türkiye'de Folklor ve Milliyetcilik" (Iletisim, 2009) adli calismasinda Arzu Öztürkmen 1932 yilinda kurulan Halkevleri'nin genelge ve talimatlari ile ilgili pek bilinmeyen detaylari bize ulastiriyor:

Öztürkmen'e göre halkevlerinin Güzel Sanatlar subesinin umudu "insanlarin müzikal zevkini düzenli olarak müzikli geceler düzenleyerek, ulusal sarkilari yayarak ve yerel halk sakilarini toplayarak gelistirip güclendirmek" idi.

Subenin en önemli görevlerinden biri :
"Bütün halkin ulusal marslari ve sarkilari ögrenmesine yardim etmek ve bunlari ulusal gösteri günleri ile Halkevleri kamusal müsamerelerinde beraberce bir agizdan söylenmelerini saglamaya calismaktir"

hep beraber ve bir agizdan....

Monday, January 30, 2012

19 Mayis'da stadyumlarda resmi tören yapilmamasi ile ilgili karara itiraz eden birinin Danistay'a verdigi dilekce. Kaynak: bedri baykam


DANIŞTAY BAŞKANLIĞI’NA
ANKARA
“Yürütmeyi Durdurma Taleplidir”
DAVACI : HAMDİYE ŞEN (GÜLTEKİN) Çayyolu Konutkent
Mah. Büyükşehir Sit. No: 66  Yenimahalle / ANKARA
DAVALI : Milli Eğitim Bakanlığı

TALEP KONUSU: Davalı İdarenin 11.01.2012 tarih ve 817 sayılı “ATATÜRK’ü Anma Ve Gençlik Ve Spor Bayramı” konulu işleminin yürütmesinin durdurulması ve devamında işlemin İPTALİ isteminden ibarettir.
ÖĞRENME TARİHİ: 12.01.2012

AÇIKLAMALAR : Davalı idare tarafından yayımlanan dava konusu işlem ile birlikte 19 Mayıs ATATÜRK’ü Anma Ve Gençlik Ve Spor Bayramında Başkent dışındaki il ve ilçelerde öğrencilerin katılımı ile yapılan kutlamalar bundan sonra sadece okullarda yapılacaktır.

Dava konusu işlemin düzenlenmesine, kabul edilmesi olanağı bulunmayan gülünç ve komik gerekçeler gösterilmiştir. Kutlama törenlerinin hazırlık döneminin mevsim olarak soğuk bir zamana denk gelmesi nedeniyle sağlık sorunlarına yol açtığı, çalışma süresinin uzun olması nedeniyle öğrencilerin derslere ilgisinin azaldığı, motivasyonlarının düştüğü, kutlamalara gönüllü olmayan öğrenci velilerinin okullarla olan ilişkilerinin bozulduğu yönünde alınan duyumlar gerekçe olarak gösterilmiştir. Güya alınan duyumlardan yola çıkılarak ATATÜRK’ü Anma Ve Gençlik Ve Spor Bayramı törenlerinde, öğrencilerin ATATÜRK’e duydukları sevgi, saygı ve bağlılıklarını yansıtan kutlamalar bir anlamda yasaklanmıştır.

Dava konusu işlemde “…..Kanun ve Yönetmelikte kutlamaların öğrencilerin katılımıyla yapılacağına dair bir hükümde bulunmamaktadır”
denilmektedir. Konu ile ilgili kanun, yönetmelik, yönerge ve genelge hükümleri incelendiğinde davalı idarenin dava konusu işleminde yetkisini aştığı, kanuna, yönetmeliğe, yönergeye ve 2000 / 32 sayılı genelgeye aykırı davrandığı görülecektir. (17.03.1981 tarih ve 2429 sayılı kanunun ve 2000 / 32 sayılı genelgeye )

19 Mayıs Bayramı kutlamaları amacından çıkarılarak, okul duvarları arasına hapsedilmek istenmektedir. Türk Milletine mal olmuş 19 Mayıs ATATÜRK’ü Anma Ve Gençlik Ve Spor Bayramının çoşkuyla kutlanmasına engel olmak, Milli Eğitim Bakanlığı’nın görevi değildir. Milli Eğitim Bakanlığı’nın görevi milli bayramların çoşku ile kutlanmasını sağlamaktır. Öğrencilerin bayram kutlamalarına katılmasını boşa  giden bir zaman olarak görmek, milli değerlerimizi yok sayma anlamına geldiği için çok acıdır. Özellikle de bu uygulamaları güya alınan duyumlar gibi ciddi olmayan bir gerekçe ile savunmak hiçbir biçimde kabul edilemez. Kutlama törenlerinin hazırlık döneminin mevsim olarak soğuk bir zamana denk gelmesi nedeniyle sağlık sorunlarına yol açtığı, çalışma süresinin uzun  olması sebebiyle öğrencilerin derslere ilgisinin azaldığı, motivasyonlarının düştüğü, kutlamalara gönüllü olmayan öğrenci velilerinin okullarla olan ilişkilerinin bozulduğu yönünde alınan duyumlar alındığı biçimindeki gerekçeler ise; dayanaksız ve mantıksız olduğundan dava konusu edilen işlemin bu gerekçelerine hukuki bir cevap verme gereği de yoktur. . 1972 – 1976 yıllarımı yatılı olarak KONYA KIZ İLKÖĞRETMEN OKULU’nda okudum. Öğrenci olarak Cumartesi günlerimizde yarımgün çalışma günüydü. Tatil değildi. Her ULUSAL BAYRAMLARIMIZI (29 Ekim Cumhuriyet Bayramımızı – 23 Nisan Ulusal Egemenlik Ve Çocuk Bayramımızı ve 19 Mayıs ATATÜRK’ü Anma Ve Gençlik Ve Spor Bayramımızı büyük bir çoşku ile kutladık. Şortlarımızı giyip Konya sokaklarından stadyuma giderek provalarımızı yapıyorduk. Konya halkıda bizleri balkonlara çıkıp alkışlıyordu. Derslerimizde de çok başarılıydık. Namazımızı da kılıyorduk. Halk oyunlarımızı da oynuyorduk. Namusumuzdan ve dürüstlüğümüzden de hiç mi hiç ödün vermedik. İlkokul öğretmeni (Köy öğretmeni) oldum. Daha sonra; 1976 – 1980 Ankara 19 Mayıs Spor Akademisinde okudum. Okul birincisi olarak en yüksek puanla okulumu bitirdim. Beden Eğitimi öğretmeni oldum. İlk Senaryolu 19 Mayıs Kutlamalarının uygulayıcısıyım. Binlerce öğrenciyi stadyumda aynı hareketleri yapar şekilde fon guruplarımızla çok güzel kutlamaları gerçekleştirdiğimizi, sahalara sığmayan halkımızın alkışlarından anlıyorduk. Öğrencilerimize özgürlüğümüzün – kurtuluşumuzun – bağımsızlığımızın -  birey olmamızın – yurttaş olmamızın – ulusallığımızın bilincini kazandırmanın kutlayabilme çoşkusunu yaşatıyorduk. Öğrencilerimiz derslerinde de çok başarılıydılar. Çünkü enerjilerini olumlu yönde harcıyorlardı. Yüzlerindeki mutluluk ışığı etrafı aydınlatıyor. Karanlık kafaları yok ediyordu. İşyerlerinde de, verimliliği arttırmak için toplu spor hareketleri yapılır. Sonuçta, verimlilik ve kalitenin arttığı belirtilmektedir.
 
19 Mayıs 1919 tarihi ATATÜRK’ün milli kurtuluş savaşını başlatmak üzere Samsun’a çıktığı gündür.Türk Milletinin kurtuluş hareketinin başladığı gündür. 19 Mayıs 1937 tarihinden beri, ATATÜRK’ü Anma Ve Gençlik Ve Spor Bayramı olarak kutlanmaktadır. Bu uygulamayı inandırıcı ve geçerli hiçbir gerekçe göstermeden kaldırmaya çalışmak, geçmişimizi ve geleceğimizi inkar etmek demektir.

Bayramlarımızı kutlamaya yönelik sınır koyarak Esas şimdi faşist ve baskıcı bir yaptırım uygulanmaya çalışılmaktadır. Öğrenci okul başarıları daha da düşer ve hiçbir işe yaramayan, kendi özbakım becerilerini dahi gerçekleştiremeyen, korkak, bağımlı, özgüveni oluşmamış, mücadele gücü olmayan, kendi ayakları üzerinde duramayan insan tipleri yetiştirirsiniz. İstenilen bu her halde…
BEDEN EĞİTİMİ ÖĞRETMENİ OLARAK; ULUSAL BAYRAMLARIMIZIN KUTLANMASINA ENGEL OLAN KAFALARIN BİRAN ÖNCE DEĞİŞMESİNİ UMUYORUM. ZİRA OLUMSUZ SONUÇLARI ONLARI DA YAKAR.

Örtünerek namus kazanılmaz diyorum. Hele ki bize uymayan giysilerle kutlanıyor tümcesini kabul edemiyorum. Hareketlerle çoşkunun ifade edilmesi, en rahat giysilerle gerçekleşebilir. Kolun bacağın takılmayacağı.

Öğrencilerimiz tek yönlü bilgilendirilmeye çalışılıyor. Eğitim sıfır. Çok yönlü Eğitim kaldırıldı. Çünkü Beden Eğitimi – Müzik Eğitimi – Resim Eğitimi – İş Teknik – Ev Ekonomisi dersleri kaldırıldı. Seçmeli duruma getirildi. Ders saatleri azaltıldı.

İnsanoğlunun anatomik yapısı çok yönlüdür. Bu şekildeki yetiştirmeyi nereye kadar taşıyabilir siniz? Torunlarınız sizlere isyan edecekler.

Dava konusu işlemin uygulanması halinde, bu bayram halkın da katılabildiği bir bayram olmaktan çıkacak, böylesine önemli bir gün zamanla unutulup gidecektir.

Dava konusu işlem ile 19 Mayıs ATATÜRK’ü Anma Ve Gençlik Ve Spor Bayramı kutlamaları iptal edilmiş olmaktadır. Bu durum Türk Halkının milli birlik ve beraberlik duygularını yok edici bir sonuç doğuracağından geleceğe dönük kaygılarımı arttırmaktadır.

Dava konusu işlemin uygulamaya konması, ileride telafisi mümkün olmayacak sonuçların doğmasına yol açabilecektir.
Soruyorum ? Kurtuluş günümüzün çoşkusunu hareketlerle ifade etmek, gençliğin enerjisini iyi, doğru yöne yönlendirmek kimleri rahatsız ediyor acaba?  Bunlara yasak getirerek ne elde edecekler?

Ulusal Bayramlarımızı kutlayabilecek yeterli sayıda öğrenci mi bulamıyorsunuz? Yoksa Ulusal Bayramlarımızı çoşkuyla kutlatabilecek BEDEN EĞİTİMİ ÖĞRETMENİ sayımız mı yetersiz?

Köyde – Adana – Yumurtalık – Zeytinbelli kasabasında kızlı – erkekli cimnastik mayoları ile 19 MAYIS ATATÜRK’ü ANMA VE GENÇLİK VE SPOR BAYRAMIMIZI kutladık. Çok büyük alkışlar aldık.

2577 sayılı yasanın 27 / 2 ve 27 / 4 maddeleri uyarınca, dava konusu idari işlemin yürütülmesinin durdurulmasına karar verilmez ise, 19 Mayıs ATATÜRK’ü Anma Ve Gençlik Ve Spor Bayramını kutlama tartışmaları artarak sürecektir. Bu nedenle Yüksek Mahkemenizce öncelikle dava konusu işlem ile ilgili olarak “yürütmeyi durdurma”kararının verilmesi gerekmektedir.

Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Devletinin hangi mücadeleler sonucu kurulduğunun unutulmaması, geleceğimizi belirleyici olacağından ve çocuklarımızın daha çağdaş, daha aydınlık bir Türkiye Cumhuriyeti vatandaşı olarak yaşamalarını istediğimden; Ulusal Bayramlar sevinç ve kıvançlarının paylaşıldığı, ulusumuzun ortak değerler etrafında buluşup kaynaştığı onur günleridir. Ortak değerlerimizi zayıflatmaya değil, çoğaltıp güçlendirmeye muhtaç olduğumuz bir dönemde bu davayı açmak zorunda kaldım.

Takdir Yüksek mahkemenize aittir.
HUKUKİ DELİLLER : Dava konusu idari işlem, Davalı idarenin 11.01.2012 tarih ve B.08.0.DGM.0.04.00.00 / 817 sayılı ATATÜRK’ü Anma Ve Gençlik Ve Spor Bayramı konulu genelgesi, 1739 sayılı Milli Eğitim Temel Kanunu’na ve 2429 sayılı Ulusal Bayramlar ve Genel Tatil Günleri Hakkındaki Kanun, bu kanunlara göre çıkarılmış 01.10.1981 tarih ve 17 475 Sayılı Resmi Gazetede yayımlanan Ulusal ve Resmi Bayramlarda Yapılacak Törenler Hakkındaki Yönetmelik, 25 95 sayılı Milli Eğitim Bakanlığı Tebliğler Dergisinde yayımlanan 23 Nisan Ulusal Egemenlik Ve Çocuk Bayramı ile ATATÜRK’ü Anma Ve Gençlik Ve Spor Bayramı Kutlama Yönergesi, 2000 / 32 sayılı Genelge

SONUÇ VE İSTEM : Yukarıda arz edilen açıklamalar ve mahkemenin re’sen göstereceği diğer hususlara göre;
  1. Davalı idarenin 11.01.2011 tarih ve 817 sayılı ATATÜRK’ü Anma Ve Gençlik Ve spor Bayramı konulu işleminin yürütmesinin durdurulmasına,
  2. Söz konusu idare işleminin yargılama sonunda İPTALİNE;
  3. Tüm yargılama harç ve giderlerinin karşı yan üzerinde bırakılmasına karar verilmesini saygılarımla arz ve talep ederim.

HAMDİYE ŞEN   

Sunday, February 20, 2011

19 Mayısları Stadyumdan Kurtaralım (Genc Siviller'in kampanyasi)



İlgililerin Dikkatine,

19 Mayıslar taşıdığı anlamdan çok uzak olarak gençliğe heyecan vermeyen, aksine zaman ve kaynak israfına yol açan rahatsızlık verici etkinliklerle kutlanmaktadır.

Milli bayramlarda stadyumlara gençleri doldurarak, onların çokluğu, çevikliği, disiplinleri, birliktelikleri ile dünyaya ne kadar güçlü olduğunu gösterdiğini düşünen otoriter devlet zihniyetinin yansıması olan bu tören biçimi demokratikleşen modern Türkiye'de artık terkedilmelidir.

Bayramın adında gençlik ve spor kelimelerinin birlikte anılması gençlere biçilen rolü göstermesi açısından anlamlıdır. Gençlik, kas ve sporla eşitlenmekte, gençler rejim ve devlet için kasları ve çevikliği ile düşmanlarını korkutacak hazır kıtalar olarak düşünülmektedir

Gençler kendilerine adanmış bu bayrama bir aylarını yoklama tehditleriyle, derslerini aksatarak, öğretmenlerinin bağırış çağırışları eşliğinde toz toprak içinde hazırlanmaktadırlar.

Gençler kendilerinin olduğu söylenen bayramının organizasyonunda, gösterilerin hazırlanışında hiçbir söz hakkına sahip değildir. Zaten bütün tören de protokol tribününe doğrudur ve tören boyunca en çok onlar eğlenirler. Ama bu törenlerin, gençler için can sıkıcı olması gerçeğini, anlamsız spor hareketleri yapılırken fonda çalınan Tarkan bile değiştiremez.

Gençler kutlamaların nesnesi, hatta kuru kalabalıklarıdır.

Askerler gibi düzenli yürüyemediği için azarlanırlar, Kaldırdıkları panolarda ne yazdığını bilmezler, yaptıkları hareketlerin koreografisi onlara söylenmez, bedenleriyle yazdıkları hamaset dolu yazıları görmezler.

19 Mayıs Stadyum törenlerinde bir gencin anlamı bazen çimenlere yazılan bir sloganın harflerinden birinin küçük bir parçası olmaktır, bazen ise yıllardır söylenmekten aşınmış marşları söyleyen seslerden yalnızca biri. Bu törenlerin ruhunda tek başına bir gencin hiçbir anlamı yoktur. Gençlik aynı kıyafetleri giymiş, aynı anda hareket eden, gür seslerle marşlar söyleyen bir kalabalığın adıdır. Gençlik, kıyafetleri ile tektipleştirilmiş ve düzenli yürüyüşleriyle disipline edilmiş hazır kıtalardır.

Ama unutulmaktadır ki gençlik insan hayatın böyle kalıpların içine sokulamayacak en dinamik ve en devrimci, en cesur dönemidir. Yakın tarihimiz göstermiştir ki Bu kalıpların içine sokulmaya çalışan gençlik ya tamamen depolitize olmuştur ya da şiddete tapacak ölçüde marjinalleşmiştir.

İşte bu nedenlerden dolayı Atatürk'ün Türkiye gençliğine hediye ettiği 19 Mayısların kutlanış şeklinin tamamen değiştirilmesini, birçok gencin gönülsüz olarak katıldığı modası geçmiş, hamaset dolu, militarize, stadyum gösterilerinin ve geçit törenlerinin sona erdirilmesini talep ediyoruz.

Bunların yerine 19 Mayıs'larda Gençlerin içeriğini kendilerinin belirleyeceği etkinlikler yapabilmelerine imkan verilmelidir. Her ilde kurulacak gençlik komiteleri kendi organizasyonlarını kendileri gerçekleştirmelidirler. Gençler 19 Mayısların yeniden öznesi olmalıdır. 19 Mayıslar bahar şenlikleri havasında gençlerin yaratıcılıklarını ortaya koyabilecekleri gerçek bir gençlik bayramı şeklinde kutlanmalıdır.

Bu düşüncemizin takipçisi olarak önerimizi bütün Türkiye gençliğinin imzasına açılan bir kampanyaya dönüştürüyoruz. Yurt genelindeki kampanyayla toplanan imzalar yetkililere iletilecek ve yıllardır süren bu eziyete son verilmeye çalışılacaktır.

Sunday, January 9, 2011

catalogue text by ilana tenenbaum, for 'self extreme', group show at the haifa museum of modern art, israel

...

A different approach to related themes is undertaken by the Turkish artist Köken Ergun. In the work I, Soldier (2006), Ergun examines the rhetoric of government institutions by means of a speech filmed at the Istanbul stadium on Turkey's national holiday. Ergun uses excerpts from this official event, which he documented with the assistance of others. This disassociation between the artist and the documentary art, and its duplication and diffusion, are designed to undermine the power of images produced by a single camera, which is wielded by a single person. The documentary materials are then reedited in a manner that produces a different image of the filmed reality. Ergun presents the same event in two parallel frames. In one frame, an ode "To the Soldier" is read in a pathos-infused voice, while lyrical music plays in the background. The second frame features, in slow motion, the figure of an actual soldier standing beside the person reading the poem. This double frame produces an alternative reading of the ode as a homoerotic love poem. Ergun contrasts these two images with a range of insignificant details, such as the embarrassed smiles of audience members and empty plastic chairs. The pathos-infused soundtrack stands out in contrast to this visual montage, which undermines the coherence of the official performance and offers alternate interpretations of it, reordering various fragments of reality in a manner that exposes and deconstructs the mythical basis of this national ceremony.


...

Monday, November 2, 2009

Ian White on I, Soldier & The Flag


Koken Ergun: Personal Works of Public Ceremonies


Koken Ergun’s work is about ritual. That is,
about ritual, circling contemporary popular ceremony as its subject of examination, picking at the unwitting detachment and wilful fervour of its participants, looking at what we would see on the television and at what we would not, pointing as much to its ragged edges as its transformative social power. It records these public situations (and also sometimes (re)constructs them) not to extend them into personal or collective memory, nor as the imprint of propaganda, but as the means for a broader analysis which finds its form in a visual language that is at once off-hand, casual and precisely because of this acutely, carefully revealing. It is a practice that might be read through that to which it is opposed, to uncover the coordinates of what it is for.

Ergun’s work in general, and his two signature video installations The Flag (2006) and I, Soldier (2005) in particular form a paradigmatic opposition, for instance, to Leni Riefenstahl’s landmark film of the 1936 Berlin Summer Olympics, Olympia (1938). Olympia is a work of bravura filmmaking - iconographic, idealising – in which bodies and actions become (pure) form, almost to the point of abstraction, or to a point at which they lose any semblance of human fragility; crowds without the mess of life, high divers who never hit the water, discus throwers who turn but might as well not, so closely do they resemble classical sculpture. Riefenstahl’s are indivisible images, reinscriptions of spectacle. Like her fabrication of the “ancient tradition” of the Olympic torch carried by a series of athletes from Mount Olympus to Berlin - in fact a fiction existing solely in the film and only subsequently adopted as a feature of the build-up to the Games - they are absolutely invested in the generation of myth as if the film is in and of itself a ritual. What it proposes as aesthetic, if not also ideological certainty, Ergun’s videos transcribe as a question mark.

The Flag and I, Soldier record different events in a stadium, not in Berlin or Greece, but modern day Turkey, the exhortations of two connected annual national rituals that celebrate the founding of the Turkish republic and imprint its values onto its subjects: Children’s Day held on 23rd April and the Commemoration of Atatürk, Youth and Sports Day held just weeks later on 19th May. Unlike Riefenstahl’s, Ergun’s camera occupies an unofficial position, unchoreographed and shakily recording each event as it unfolds. The margins are everything in its framings. What we see are two things at the same time, in tension: the orchestration of a mass public occasion, individuals performing prescribed roles, becoming a group and something else, their anti-iconographic, entirely ordinary surroundings, scrubby grass, flickers of boredom or self-conscious smiles, empty plastic seats in the stadium. Both occasions eulogise the state through epic poetry with a metaphoric magnitude that is continuously undermined by the camcorder aesthetic that makes it known to us. Huge emotion is undercut by ambient noise, spectacle unravelled by an itinerant attention.

In The Flag the love, support and nurturing of the country’s children professed by the occasion becomes an imposition, a manipulation continuously threatened by the uncontrollable, only for it to be re-asserted. In the stands children are seen through a wire mesh fence. In I, Soldier the stadium address - a poem shouted as a display of uber-masculinity by a uniformed soldier to the gentle strains of lyrical music – becomes a love song to his colleague who we see on the opposite screen in slow motion, simply turning his head, an icon occupying an altogether different cinematic register and a homoeroticism that maps onto the display of troops running, marching and performing gymnastics.

These are personal works of public ceremonies. Images divisible from the spectacle they otherwise witness. They refer back to Ergun’s first video, Untitled (2004), in which the artist drapes himself in various headscarves as both a protest against the discrimination of a secular government and a private expression of rage that is also a parody of the Pieta. And they provide the template for TANKLOVE (2008), a constructed situation Ergun organised in a small Danish town recording the public’s response to an actual tank rolling down their high street and WEDDING (2007), a three-channel video installation that documents and visually commentates the phenomenon of contemporary Turkish nuptials.
Ergun’s work might most often be concerned with the rituals of his own Turkish identity, but it does so not as a closed text, to generate myth but for the sake of its opposite. Not rituals themselves, but footnotes to the fictions they picture, these works are notes to us on the nature of all modern social, political and cultural constructs.

Ian White

Ian White is Adjunct Film Curator at the Whitechapel Gallery, London and also works on independent curatorial projects, and as the facilitator of the LUX Associate Artists Programme. He writes for numerous periodicals and is the co-editor of Kinomuseum: Towards an artists' cinema (Walther Koenig, 2008).

Originally written for the catalogue of "Labyrinth of Memory" exhibition organized by Ars Cameralis, Poland, Fall 2009

Tuesday, October 20, 2009

two films about soldierhood: one from israel one from turkey

we have seen several of these films in holywood. but it is more interesting for us to see identical examples coming from israel and turkey. these are two nations, among many in which male soldierhood is seen as a mode of survival for the deteriorating state. both set in idylic landscapes, both romanticizing martrydom, both secured huge box office and both praised for their aesthetic approach... nationalism by way of film aesthetics.

example 1. a.:
NEFES (commercial trailer)

NEFES from koray kaya on Vimeo.



example 1. b.:
NEFES (most youtubed scene - english subtitles)

NEFES Movie Trailer (English Subtitle) from Tommy on Vimeo.



example 2: beaufort (commercial trailer)

Saturday, September 26, 2009

How to Make a Hero from a Dead Soldier - The Israeli Experience

"When kindergartners uniformly wish for Gilad Shalit's release, not a toy, it is not a sign of a healthy society."






TRAGEDY IS NOT ENOUGH TO TURN MEN INTO HEROES

By Gideon Levy

It was deserted on the first day of Rosh Hashanah, in the square in front of the statue of the roaring lion at Tel Hai. A first autumn wind was whipping and only one family, new immigrants from Russia, stood around the famous stone statue. Here is the symbol of the myth on which we were raised: "It's good to die for our country." This statue of the lion, erected in 1928, became a formative image in our childhood.

Quite a number of lions have roared since then, the country has become filled with monuments and slogans, and every last one of them deals with the death of heroes, with soldiers and with the army. The dernier cri on this subject: captive soldier Gilad Shalit - who has "replaced" captive navigator Ron Arad - and the dead pilot Asaf Ramon.

They are all deserving of praise and, primarily, of honest concern for their fate, but we have lost all proportion in relation to all of them. They are/were young people, private individuals, who were sent by the country to their deaths or to captivity. They did not necessarily excel in unique demonstrations of heroism; only cruel fate turned them into heroes in our eyes. And after fate was cruel to them, a state, government and media apparatus began to turn them into national heroes - without allowing them any say in the matter.
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That is the way of the world. Nations invent heroes for themselves. Indeed, every nation is in need of a hero. Every one of the kindergartners in Binyamina asked last week to write their wishes on balloons, which they dispatched in honor of the New Year, wrote: "For Gilad Shalit to be released." They asked not for peace or a new toy, not for success at school or good health for their parents, only for the return of Gilad Shalit. A uniform chorus such as this, at such a young age, is not an indication of a healthy society.

But if the national concern over the welfare of a captive soldier is understandable and even moving - even if it is not accompanied by the firm, vital demand for the release of prisoners in exchange for him, or by any word of compassion for the tens of thousands of Palestinians sitting in Israeli prisons - the events surrounding Asaf Ramon are an indication of a more profound malady. We do/did not know either Shalit or Ramon, and now they are our heroes. Why? Because of the cruel and random tragedy. From now on we know: Only the crash of a pilot who was the son of a pilot, or soldier falling into captivity, can still unite us and, particularly, spur us into any national action.

The newspaper editor's face fell: His cell-phone screen showed an initial report about the crash of an Israel Air Force plane. It was suspected that the dead pilot was the son of the late astronaut Ilan Ramon. I, too, was shocked to hear the news, which broke in the afternoon. Until the evening, when Israeli television - mainly its two commercial channels - replaced all the regular programming with long, exhausting hours filled with empty slogans and endless, hollow discussions, all dealing exclusively with a random aerial accident.

Then the initial shock was replaced by a sense of suffocation. Compassion was replaced by pornography, a sense of mourning gave way to the ritual of death, which is the ritual of our lives. That is how a myth is constructed. That is how genuine human emotion is destroyed. Entire families have been killed in the past in terror attacks or traffic accidents. Asaf Ramon is not the first son to be killed in the wake of his father during his military service, but here the signal was given for us to engender the birth of a myth - and we all obeyed automatically.

He had all the essential ingredients for this: a dynasty of pilots, a father who was an astronaut and a record as an outstanding pilot. Both of the Ramons were killed in the line of duty, even if not in a raging battle. And a funeral in Nahalal - where, if not Nahalal? Salt of the earth, of course, salt of the earth. The fact that both father and son died in accidents made absolutely no difference when it came to the funeral: The entire leadership of the country was in attendance in Nahalal, including, believe it or not, the Americans' special envoy to the Middle East, George Mitchell.

Dozens of newspaper columns were devoted solely to that fact. What should the members of bereaved families from other national disasters feel, those whose loved ones' funerals were not attended by a single government representative? What would have happened had Ramon, Jr. been killed in a traffic accident, or if he hadn't been a pilot? And how many times did you hear on that one day the expression "the air force family"?

President Shimon Peres, who has unparalleled experience in such things, hastened to exaggerate: "What has happened to us is more than an accident. It's a disaster." Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu soon followed, saying it was "a terrible tragedy for the Jewish people ... The entire nation is enveloped in endless sorrow at the death of Asaf, who fell from the skies like his father Ilan." Added Chief of Staff Gabi Ashkenazi: "Asaf is gone because of values. To our regret, this is part of the price we pay for living in this beloved country."

What is the connection between a pilot who was killed in an accident and "the price of living in this beloved country"? Only because of the mourning will we refrain from expanding here on the subject of the values of the IAF in recent years.

The teacher from Blich High School said that her former student had been "a man among men," hastening to mention the Holocaust. Asaf was once moved by a Jew, she said, who told him to say "Am Yisrael Hai" ("The Jewish people live") during a visit to a town in Poland. Minister of Education Gideon Sa'ar ordered that a lesson be devoted to Ramon in all the schools in the country. A lesson about what? About fulfilling a personal dream of being a pilot or an astronaut?

The principal of one of the schools named after Ilan Ramon - there are at least two - said that in his school, they teach the "Ramon legacy." And what exactly is the "Ramon legacy"? Plus, a former IAF commander mentioned that the Ramons symbolized the country, which soars heavenward, although he forgot for a moment that they also crashed in the harsh and rocky ground, to everyone's sorrow.

The collective demonstration of mourning lasted for two or three days, until the entire inventory of cliches was used up. That is how to unite the Jewish people, even if momentarily: Give them a worthy tragedy. That is how they spur their sons to act. In fact, the "Youth for Gilad Shalit" group is already planning a mass event next month: From the Kirya, Defense Ministry headquarters in Tel Aviv, to the Kirya government compound in Jerusalem, there will be a "stretcher march" by 300 young people, under the slogan: "Don't bury him alive."

We should have sent off Asaf with grassroots mourning and sadness. His was indeed a terrible tragedy, a shocking coincidence - but not a national disaster. A public struggle for the release of Gilad Shalit certainly should be conducted, but neither stretcher marches nor ultra-light planes will free him - only a firm demand that the government make a courageous decision to release the hundreds of prisoners that Israel is being asked to free. Without that step, there will be no release of Shalit.

Pay attention to all these flyovers and marches and events: You will not see any simultaneous, focused and insistent demand to release prisoners in exchange for Shalit. That might be too controversial. After all, for that purpose, you need much more courage than is required for sending up balloons or kites. And that's an even rarer commodity in an uncourageous society that regularly invents heroes for itself, real and imaginary.

Ha'aretz (Israeli Daily Newspaper), 26.09.09

Thursday, August 27, 2009

Friday, May 15, 2009

crash on queens - an individual's reaction to ritual time

Excerpts from interview with Köken Ergun, questions from Petra Heck sent by e-mail on May 5, 5:30 p.m.

(...)

PH – About your split-screen installation “The Flag”. I want to ask you why you chose the split screen, and whether you can then also say a word about your working methods in this particular work? For instance, did you ask for permission to shoot at the April 23 Children’s Day Celebrations, which mark the establishment of the new Turkish Parliament, and hence the official demise of the Ottoman Empire back in 1920?

KE – I frequently get asked that. I have been wondering why that is. I think the audience is under the impression – I must somehow be conveying that – that this ceremony is closed – a 'closed crowd', if we would use Elias Canetti's terms – but it is not. It is a public event. So it is definitely possible to record it. I might have gone a bit nearer to the subjects than anyone else would do, that is true. But I could see that the subjects I shot were happy about it. They want more and more people to see their performance.

You see, what is happening there is a ritual, and rituals construct the cultural codes we live with. It is not the cultural codes that create the rituals. In other words, rituals create myths, not the other way around. And rituals are obligatory. Myths, like religion are at the discretion of its worshipers. Therefore the state supports rituals of this kind and makes them obligatory for its citizens, by way of making these days holidays, like the Queen's Day you have in the Netherlands, or the Turkish Childrens Day we see here. On these holidays there are demonstrations, parades, performances, stuff that 'reminds' you of your state and your citizenship. In Emile Durkheim's terms, this is 'ritual time', where the effervescence of the ritual allows the individual to feel and move as part of a community. However, as soon the celebrations are over, or the national day has ended, the citizen regains his or her individual status, gets out of the community spirit. This is why the state repeats these rituals every year, because it wants to prolong this feeling of unity, so that you always remain a good citizen, part of the community, which must feel together, move together.... To remind us, and to get us back to the community mode at every ritual time. It is this community mode that can create the strongest energy: the energy of the masses. It is capable of creating the biggest wars. And it did. Think of the crusaders, or how the Third Reich managed the masses. However, there are always ways to escape this power too, or not to be part of it. For example, what happened on your Queen's Day this year was remarkable. An individual refused to give in to the effervescent power of the ritual, and the state. He reacted against it, by crashing his car into the crowd which was the community he didn't participate in, and was opposing.

As for the use of two screens: I have been very influenced by the work of Eija Liisa Ahtila. I think she is one of the reasons that I started making videos. While working in theater, with Robert Wilson, I saw the world more as three dimensional, live. But then I saw a work by Ahtila, 'The House', and I was so impressed by it. Then I became interested in the two dimensional world of film. But if you allow the audience to look at one subject from two or three different points of view at the same time, you can get closer to the three dimensional. Maybe this is why I like using multi-screens. For example, my last work, WEDDING, is three screens. But even better, the cubists did this on a single canvas. But best of all: life is three-dimensional, without making any extra effort, with no artificial push. This becomes the main question once again: how to represent life so it looks like life? Or do you construct a completely new life?

PH - I read somewhere you see “The Flag” as an act of exorcism of your fear about the rising nationalism in the world, but especially in Europe. Would you comment on this rising nationalism you see in relation to “The Flag” and you relation to rituals? I also read in an interview something about the strategy of “national education”. Can you tell me more about this strategy and its relation to your work?

KE - Yes, I think nationalism is the biggest headache for mankind now. It has been created in Europe. One cannot help thinking that only 100 years ago there was nothing like nationalism, because it was still the time of multi-cultural states or empires. Then it grew like a bacteria and from Europe it contaminated the entire world. For example, I am watching the semi-finals of the Eurovision Song Contest as I am answering your questions. And it is so ridiculous how they are pushing 'nations' and nationalism with lame contests like this. It is extremely ironic that it is taking place in Russia this year, one of the older and stronger states of the east, which did not have as much nationalism as in the west of Europe – and mind you, it had communism for a while. At this moment we are all witnessing how they are hosting one of the most exagerrated Eurovision showcases. This thing is not about co-existence, it only fuels more and more nationalism. It makes me very angry, in the same way I am angry to the growing nationalism in my home country.

The young Turkish Republic is a rather diminished nation state built on the ruins of a big multi-cultural, non-colonial empire. The Ottoman style of co-existence (different from that of the short-lived Hapsburg empire) was swiftly replaced with Turkish nationalism and excluded all other cultures that used to live in this remaining part of the Ottoman Empire. Although the new republic was secular in formation, the non-Muslim cultures were the quickest to be kicked out of the new system. Muslim cultures, like the Kurds, remained within the new republic, and were not pushed out as fast as the Greeks or the Armenians, who by then had their own nation states. But this does not mean that the remarkably large Kurdish minority (so large that it is maybe not right to call it a minority) flourished and was made an integral part of the new nation state. They lived – and remain – under various torments. What you see in “The Flag” is the source of this torment. The oath that the kids are taking is something we grew up with, and it is still repeated every Monday morning and Friday afternoon at every single school in Turkey. This is again a ritual, a ritual of the state. As I said above, rituals have the power to create myths. So it is these rituals that create the feeling of citizenship, and subsequently the nation state. Especially in young minds. I strongly agree with Eric Hobsbawm's theory about the two most important things in creating the nation state: national education and military service. “The Flag” is about national education, while its sister work, “I, Soldier” (which is often screened together with “The Flag”) is about military service. With these two works I try to demonstrate the process of nation building. Both national education and military service is obligatory in most nation states. The state makes it unlawful not to send your kids to primary school, as the same state will get you if you refuse to go to the military. Both in national education and in military service, repetitions and recitations are key practices. Students, like soldiers, are taught with verses, songs often supported with music and even dance. During this process a community is being built, because it is ritual time again. We can call this kind of community building “muscular bonding”, since it is attuned to the rhythm of the body, by way of verse or music, or choreography. Like many other millions of kids of the Turkish Republic I underwent this attempt to mold me through these state rituals, and it is no wonder that when I started to express myself with video, one of the first things I did was to go to the stadium when they were celebrating one of these national days. I had to get this out of my system. It is really a kind of exorcism. I had to share it with others who have been subject to this kind of national education.

There is a very famous anecdote that Hobsbawm uses in one of the volumes of his big work about European history: as you know, the state of Italy is quite a new state, like Germany. At the first sitting of the first ever Italian parliament, one of the founders of the nation state whose name I don't recall now, addresses the enthusiastic crowd of MP's: 'Ladies and gentlemen! We have created Italy! Now we have to create Italians!'

This is the spirit of nationalism!

PH - In this work you shot an official celebration ceremony, whereas in TANKLOVE and Untitled you created the action itself as a performance. Can you elaborate on these different formats? Do these different approaches function on the same level within your artistic practice?

KE - I have a love/hate relationship with theater. Although I tried very hard to be accepted in the acting school, after being accepted it didn't take me long to realize that I had made this choice not because I liked theater or wanted to be an actor, but that I liked some kind of performitivity that I couldn't yet describe. So when I moved away from theater and got involved in filmmaking, or let's say contemporary art, it was no coincidence that I found myself making things centered around performances of some sort. I have this theory about 'live performance' versus ' life performance' that I often repeat: that live performance is the aestheticized performance of all art forms, such as theater, cinema and performance art, even exhibitions. 'Life performance' refers to acts we do in order to maintain our cultural lives, whether this is eating, dancing, sex, discipline. Above we named them rituals. 'Life performance' is another way of saying that. Some call it 'cultural performance'. It is performances like these that I find more true. And if art is about truth, then it is necessary to examine performances like these, rather then the artistically beautified performances. So part of my work is to capture on video these kind of 'cultural performances', like in 'The Flag', 'I, Soldier', or most recently WEDDING.

Practices of the other kind are also performative, like in 'Untitled', which is a repetitive performance in reaction to a political problem/abuse, or TANKLOVE, which is a restaging of an historical act in reaction to another political abuse. It is hard to say that these fall more into the category of art and the others aren't, because as soon as you edit the footage of rituals and re-present it, it becomes an artistic expression. I do not worry about that now; I think both of them point in the same direction. With works like Untitled, and TANKLOVE I might be trying to find a different kind of director's theater, while with the other ritualistic works I focus on the director-free theater. Or one which is directed not by an individual but by a community spirit. I think both practices serve the same purpose for me: I am looking for different kinds of 'mimesis'. In this sense, they do function on the same level. They are etudes; different approaches to the same concern.

PH - The third and last work in the presentation is called 'Untitled', wherein you perform yourself, wearing different types of scarves, until you start crying. Does this use of your own body make it a personal protest or statement, or should we not take your personal act that privately? Was it just easier to perform yourself instead of hiring somebody to do the job of ‘acting’?

KE - This was my first video piece. And also the first one in which I am exorcising something. It is my anger toward the president of Turkey at the time, and all the secular elite in general. He was appointed by the publicly elected parliament, but not voted for by the public. He came from a law background, and his assignment was deeply and gladly supported by the army. Shortly after taking the presidency, the general elections resulted in a sweeping victory by the current ruling AKP party of Tayyip Erdogan. They come from a more religious-slash-conservative background. So naturally most of their wives wear headscarves. And in Turkey, like in France, women who wear headscarves are not allowed to enter certain institutions, or spaces that are governed by the state. For example in Turkey, they are not admitted to universities, cannot be civil servants. This is a basic violation of human rights in my point of view, but because a headscarf is unfortunately seen and also used as a religious symbol, the secular- minded population in Turkey sees it as a threat to Atatürk's secular republic. Atatürk died in 1938. Anyway, yet another national day, the biggest one, Republic Day, was around the corner. And traditionally the president holds a Republican Day ball in the presidential palace, which again was first occupied by Atatürk, and is the king of all state buildings/state controlled spaces. Until then [2003] no woman with a headscarf had ever entered that building. None. So this bright president has a brilliant plan: he sends out one-person invitations to all the members of parliament so that their wives will not be able to come. I hate him forever for that. And I had to do something about it. This is why I decided to perform the piece myself. It was my anger, and I had to perform my own exorcism.

(...)

for the rest of the interview see:

http://koken-tanklove.blogspot.com/2009/05/crash-on-queens-excerpts-from-interview.html

Wednesday, February 25, 2009

Celebrating National Holidays in Turkey: History and Memory, excerpts from an article by Arzu Öztürkmen



Childhood memory of most Turkish citizens is full of images oef national holiday celebrations. Loudly recited heroic poems, enthusiastic folk dance performances, costume parades and shows, hasty and anxious teachers, or involuntary laughter during the long silent moments of commemoration, make up these images. Turkey recently celebrated the 75th year anniversary of the Republic, giving us an opportunity to rethink about these remembrances, as both collective and personal experiences, and with their political and social implications. Like in any other country where the state controlled the national education system, the structure of these celebrations had been well established and consolidated through the years, having “an accumulative effect upon successive generations” (Ben-Amos 1994:54). The formalism and the over-emphasized nationalism of the celebration programs, repeated over and over for years, created a sense of alienation in time.

(...)

Looking at the history of national holidays, it is also important to note that the model for celebrations had its roots in the late Ottoman secular holidays, like the Young-Turks’ Hürriyet Bayramı, which in their turn, were borrowed from the European -- and mostly French -- forms of national celebrations. In the early Republican period, the People’s Houses became the central institutions where the form of the celebrations began to be consolidated. Later, the Tenth Anniversary celebrations of the founding of the Republic, was marked as one of the most dominant image of the “national holiday” celebration. Models survived, but the content of what was being celebrated, changed in time. Most often, it was the form of the celebration which persisted, remaining in continued use and within the bounds of the established tradition. In the context of Turkey, this continuity of formalism in the celebrations brought in time, the lessening of the enthusiasm of the early Republican years. The zeal of the 1930s survived perhaps until the 1950s. Through the process, the form of the celebrations was not reformed. The repetitive practice of this form which included sentimental poetry recitation, orderly but hard-to-adapt stadium performances, tiring costume parades and authoritarian style in the running of the programs, put a distance between the holidays and their participants. The forms of the celebrations became “passé,” out fashioned; thus, alienating the individuals to the real content of the holidays. If not solving it, this paper intends to problematize this “demystification,” with a historical framework that derived from both the written and oral sources.

National Holidays in Turkey: A Periodization

Turkey has four major national holidays. The range of possibilities from which these "great holidays" were chosen, is in fact, laid down in the historical narrative of Nutuk, Atatürk’s epic speech given in the National Parliament in 1927. According to Nutuk’s chronology, Atatürk lands in Samsun on 19 May 1919, which is celebrated today as the Atatürk’s Commemoration, Youth and Sports Day. On 23 April 1920, the Grand National Assembly (GNA) is opened; this is celebrated as the National Sovereignty and Children’s Day. On 30 August 1922, the Independence War ends; this makes the Victory Day. And finally, on 29 October 1923, the Republic is declared, which makes the Republic Day. Nutuk’s narrative naturally includes other landmark events, such as the Erzurum and Sivas Congresses, or important local battles of the Independence War. Nevertheless, only these four days are declared as “national holidays,” leaving the question of “why” as a curious matter for further research.

Following long years of national education, these days are registered in our collective memory, not as they appear in the chronological order of Nutuk’s narrative, but as they periodise the school calendar. To an ordinary student, teacher or director, this calendar is as follows: Schools open, and plans for the celebration of the 29th of October begin. As soon as this celebration ends, preparation is made for the 10th of November, Atatürk’s commemoration ceremonies. In the second term, preparations are made in row, first for the 23rd of April and then for the 19th of May ceremonies. Since the 30th of August falls outside the academic calendar, the Victory Day is often deprived of being part of the personal memories related to school, unless one is related to the Military School. Although it marks the final of the Independence War and was celebrated with great enthusiasm in the early years of the Republic, the Victory Day seems to have almost lost its former importance due to the periodization dominated by the schools’ calendar.

(...)


“Performance within Performance:” Teachers’ Festival on the Children's Day

With the closing of the People’s Houses, public schools assumed many of the performative traditions that the Houses established. The indoor holiday celebration format (i.e., colourful decoration, public speeches, recitations and other artistic performances) became a model for then developing national education system and its ceremonial performances. Of all the other holidays, the National Sovereignty and Children's Day has always had a special place in the public eye. Shortly called as the “Children’s Day,” it marked the childhood imagery of “the Holiday!” In the words of one narrator, "the 23rd of April was like a Holiday of Flowers” ("Çiçek Bayramı gibi bir bayram")! With the crepe paper and classrooms all decorated up, the Children’s Day was indeed the re-creation of a "Spring Holiday." People's Houses journals expressed similar feelings:

"Bu bayramın en canlı manasını, hiç bir kaygıya ruhunu kaptırmayan, renk renk giyinmiş, kelebekler gibi uçuşan çocukların neşelerinde bulduk..."

Many memories placed the imagery of the elementary school teachers, and mostly women, in the center of this enthusiasm. For the female teachers, more dressed up and groomed than usual, the 23rd of April was as much a holiday as it was for children, as these ceremonies formed -- and still form -- a ground for competition. They functioned to open doors of prestige and power for the schoolteachers, who would use this opportunity to be noticed by higher public officials.

The celebrations had a distinct importance for those who served in Anatolia. Teşrife Mersin, recalled a village celebration she organized in a Çorum village, where no Children’s Day was celebrated before. "Çocuklarla ilk 23 Nisanı o kadar güzel kutladım ki," she remembered. Mersin mobilized parents for support, who produced the costumes, while she was writing the play. In her own words, "Eskiden bayramları kutlamak için bütün güç öğretmenlerdi." The performance was shown during the day to mothers and at night to "fathers." Another teacher would express a similar experience with a rather possessive tone:

“Ben de öğrencilerime gösteriler hazırlattım. Köylüler köy meydanına gelip benim küçük talebelerimi seyrederlerdi."

In the eyes of a "young student," however, the 23rd of April had other meanings than simply that of being a Children's Day. For primary school children, this was a day where they concentrated on the personal relations they formed with the image of Atatürk:

"İlkokul sonuna kadar kafamızdaki Atatürk imajı şöyleydi: Atatürk insan olarak çok iyi. Aynen annemin beni sevmesi, babamın beni sevmesi gibi ülkesini, milletini seviyor... Yani Atatürk için çocuklar--günümüzdeki gibi içeriğinden yoksunlaşmış bir baba imajı değil--ama Atatürk'e gerçekten hayatın Türk ulusuna çok kötü günlerinde gönderdiği bir armağan insan--ama bu bir Noel Baba gibi şefkatli, ulusunu seven, onun için özveriden kaçınmayan--hatta gerçekten Noel Baba gibi hediye de veriyor, çünkü biz çocuk olarak ülkeyi onun hediye ettiğini düşünüyorduk...Bir kere okulun tatil edilmesi çocuk içgüdüsüyle bir sevinçti. Hocamızın çok şık ve bakımlı olduğu, yüzünün daha çok güldüğü; bizlerin bayram dolayısıyla özel giysilerle şık ve bakımlı olduğumuz ve erkenden kalktığımız bir gündü. Radyo da çok coşkulu... Büyük bir topluluğun parçası olduğumuzu hissettiğimiz... Çocuk olarak kendini yalnız hissetmiyorsun, ulusal bayramlarda. Düşün ki sen sırf çocuk olduğun için--23 Nisan için söylüyorum--Atatürk'ü de seviyorsun, zaten Atatürk sana bu bayramı vermiş ve Atatürk seni çok seven birisiymiş. Öyle ilginç bir şey ki, Atatürk'ün öldüğünü bildiğimiz halde onun ulusal bayramlarda yaşadığına inanıyorduk yani onun bizimle birçok şey paylaştığına inanıyorduk.”


In carefully examining the newspapers of the period, it becomes apparent that the 1933 Children’s Day celebrations were particularly important. This year, the program was pre-set by state authorities. State offices closed and schools were given a two-day holiday; airplanes flew over the city dropping leaflets containing maxims. In Istanbul, children met at Fatih Park and walked to Taksim, while in Ankara they gathered in the square near the Parliament building and continued in the official parade from there. In both cities, wreaths were placed in front of Atatürk's statue; and plays prepared long before were performed in schools. An important holiday gift in Ankara was a special "film presentation" and a play put on in the People's House. There was a special place, in those years’ celebrations, for the Himaye-i Etfal, the Children's Protection Association. The Association’s flag decorated state office buildings and other institutions, and their large posters were hung from the Association 's centres in Galatasaray and Cağaloğlu. Undoubtedly, there was more to Himaye-i Etfal than simply promising "social affection" to the new generation it was raising. An important part of what it symbolized was precisely the transmission of what both the state and the nation expected from the "national child" raised with this very social affection.

The 23rd of April still holds the monopoly of the “childish enthusiasm,” when compared with all the other holidays. In this sense, because it has also assumed an international dimension since 1970s, the 23rd of April is the only national holiday, which was able to create a tradition of its own, and which continued to perform it.


Growing Up with Holidays: The 19th of May “Youth and Sports Day”

Very much close to the spirit of the Children’s Day was the “Youth Day,” celebrated on the 19th of May. Although the dominant concept was the “youth,” the full name of this holiday included other ideas, and it was called “Commemoration of Atatürk, Youth and Sports Day.” Some believed that both the Children’s Day and the Youth Day began to be celebrated with more importance, after the death of Atatürk. How these holidays came to be celebrated as primarily "children" or "youth" holidays undoubtedly requires further research. Still, the most basic common feature was that they both served as “rites of passages” in many ways. Taking into consideration their historical meanings, these holidays, symbolized on one hand, the moment of birth of the new regime, and on the other, served as a direct reference to two important periods of life, as childhood and youth. In addition, they also marked the transition from childhood to youth, in the students’ school life. One narrator expressed it by saying, "when we got to Junior High School, the 23rd of April became the 19th of May" ("Ortaokul gelince, 23 Nisan 19 Mayıs oldu"). In other words, participating in the 19th of May celebrations meant for most students that they had grown up, that they have come of age.

The written sources marked the 20th Anniversary of the 19th of May, as a landmark celebration of that holiday. The Anniversary was held in Samsun, where Atatürk started the Independence War in 1919. As the beginning of the national history narrative, this day was usually stored in every Turkish student’s memory with a strong visuality: Atatürk leaving the Imperial Capital Istanbul, to sail into the stormy Black Sea with the old Bandırma ship, and to land to Samsun on a May 19th morning, for a new future for his people! In 1939, this day was enacted in an open-air drama, as part of the ceremony program. People of Samsun filled the coast and streets from early morning on; and officials gathered at the Gazi Wharf, while a row of motorboats was waiting offshore. At 9:30 am these motorboats began moving towards the coast from the sea. Just as they were doing this, the ships docked in the port, the locomotives at the station, and the factory whistles began to blow while the clock tower began to chime. In the largest motorboat, a platoon soldier was carrying a portrait of Atatürk, accompanied by a twenty-one-gun salute. Meanwhile, on the wharf, a stretched out "black curtain" was being torn and pulled away by an officer getting out of the boat. While pairs of people from schools and sports organizations holding pictures of Atatürk moved towards Samsun's famous statue of Atatürk, the governor, commander and mayor followed from behind. After the National Anthem was played, there were three minutes of silence, followed by public speeches, and a parade of soldiers and students. In the afternoon, a sports festival was held in the Republic Square; while in the evening, folk dances expressed as "köylülerin milli oyunları" and lantern processions were watched.

Another dimension of the 19th of May celebrations that was different from other holidays was that it was a holiday strongly felt at the street level. In the early days of the Republic, the 19th of May celebrations were remembered as a time of street parades, when young people flowed into the different parts of the town, after the ceremonies. After the 1950s, however, these celebrations were transformed into "holidays in stadium." Here, the tradition of parades still continued, although limited to the shows of the military and police forces along with schools’ performances. The emphasis was more on the visual effects created by acrobatic and sportive shows, along with mass folk dancing and other rhythmic performances.

(...)

The history of the national holiday celebrations during the Republican period showed us the need to search for the reasons when and how these holidays lost their early zeal. If the form of the celebrations had become an established tradition, when did the bonds that used to bring the masses together loosen? Perhaps, exposed to four national holidays per year (and many other national days) in repetitive ceremonies over the years, the public had excessively consumed these celebrations, and began to look at them with indifference. Enthusiasm of earlier days of the Republic loosened in time, and their joy disappeared. Or perhaps, was it the “partisanship” which influenced the way in which these holidays were celebrated? We see references made in some narratives to the feeling of social division created by the 1960 coup. Did the army, which had an important place in holiday celebrations, experience a kind of demystification along with the coup? Or was it the changing form of national holiday celebrations which affected the public’s attitude. Beginning by the fifties, these holidays were brought from the street level into the stadiums, and from there, they entered our homes through television. With the1980 military coup, the stadium performances had also changed, “modernized” for some, with picture-panels formed from the audience seats. Following the municipality elections in 1994, new forms of celebrations emerged to redefine these holidays. Holidays, this time, came down to the Squares, trying to become “enjoyable” again, with public rock concerts, street decorations, or free exhibitions. With the boom of private school system, new indoor celebrational forms also began to be invented, using better staging and dramatic techniques.


Öztürkmen, Arzu “Celebrating National Holidays in Turkey: History and Memory,” New Perspectives on Turkey, Fall 2001, no. 25, pp.47-75.

Friday, February 20, 2009

Bayrak dialogue list

Sevgili gençler bayramınız kutlu olsun
Happy Children’s Day!

Sağol
Thank you, sir!

Sevgili çocuklar bayramınız kutlu olsun
Dear children, happy Children’s Day!

Sağol
Thank you, sir!

Bayramınız kutlu olsun
Happy Children’s Day!

Sağol
Thank you, sir!

Sevgili çocuklar bayramınız kutlu olsun
Dear children, happy Children’s Day!

Sağol
Thank you, sir!

Sevgili çocuklar bayramınız kutlu olsun
Dear children, happy Children’s Day!

Sağol
Thank you, sir!

Bayramınız kutlu olsun sevgili çocuklar
Happy Children’s Day, dear children!

Sağol
Thank you, sir!

Tanrıya ve vatanıma karşı
On my honor, I will do my best...

Vazifelerimi yerine getireceğime
to do my duty to God and my country...

İzcilik türesine uyacağıma
and to obey the Scout Law;

Başkalarına her zaman yardımda bulunacağıma
to help other people at all times,

Kendimi bedence sağlam
to keep myself physically strong,

Fikirce uyanık
mentally awake,

Ve ahlakça dürüst tutmak için
and morally straight.

Elimden geleni yapacağıma

Şerefim üzerine and içerim




Türküm
I am Turkish,

Doğruyum
I am honest,

Çalışkanım
I am diligent.

İlkem
My principle is…

Küçüklerimi korumak
to protect my junior,

Büyüklerimi saymak
to respect my senior,

Yurdumu
to love my country…

Milletimi
and my nation

Özümden çok sevmektir
more then my own self.

Ulkum,
My ideal is…

yukselmek,
to progress...

Ileri gitmektir.
and to advance.

Ey büyük atatürk
Hey, great Atatürk!

Açtığın yolda
In the path you paved for us,

Gösterdiğin hedefe
to the goal you showed us,

Durmadan yürüyeceğime
I promise to walk...

And içerim
with persistence.

Varlığım
I devote...

Türk varlığına
my existence...

Armağan olsun
to the Turkish existence.

Ne mutlu Türküm diyene
It’s a blessing to say I’m Turkish.


Bayrak
THE FLAG

Ey mavi göklerin beyaz ve kızıl süsü
Hey, this crimson and white ornament of blue skies;

Kızkardeşimin gelinliği
my sister’s wedding dress,

Şehidimin son örtüsü
the final coat of my martyr.

Işık ışık, dalga dalga bayrağım
My radiant, my waving flag!

Senin destanını okudum
I have read your legend,

Senin destanını yazacağım
and thus shall I write it.

Sana benim gözümle bakmayanın
I shall dig a grave for whomever

Mezarını kazacağım
does not see you the way I do!

Seni selamlamadan uçan kuşun
I shall destroy the nest of any bird

Yuvasını bozacağım
who doesn’t salute you in flight!

Dalgalandığın yerde ne korku, ne keder
No sorrow, no fear where you wave,

Gölgende bana da bana da yer ver
grant me a place under your shadow.

Sabah olmasın, günler dolmasın ne çıkar
Let there be no day, no sunshine!

Yurda ay yıldızının ışığı yeter
The light of your crescent and star is enough for this land.

Savaş bizi karlı dağlara götürdüğü gün,
When war took us to snowy mountains,

Kızıllığında ısındık
we took warmth under your red.

Dağlardan çöllere düsürdüğü gün
When we fell from mountains to deserts,

Gölgene sığındık
we took refuge under your shadow.

Eyyy şimdi süzgün rüzgarlarda dalgalan
Now you fly in the gloomy wind:

Barışın güvercini, savaşın kartalı
the dove of peace, the eagle of the war,

yüksek yerlerde açan çiçeğim
my flower that blossoms on mountaintops.

senin altında doğdum, senin dibinde öleceğim
I was born under you, I shall die beneath you!

tarihim, şerefim, şiirim, herşeyim
My past, my honor, my poem, my everything!

yeryüzünde yer beğen
Choose where you desire on earth,

nereye dikilmek istersen, söyle seni oraya dikeyim
and I shall plant you wherever you want!



bu millet yıkılmaz bir ulu çınar
A great tree, this nation is...

bağrında mukkaddes bir ateş yanar
and springs a holy fire from her heart.

inönü, sakarya ve dumlupınar
İnönü, Sakarya and Dumlupınar;

onun yazılmamış birer destanı
be them unwritten legends of her.

dağ başına dusman alamaz artık
Neither an enemy step on these mountains,

yurdumuza düşman (dalamaz) artık
nor an enemy foot on this land again,

kalplere acılar dolamaz artık
hearts not to be burdened with no more pain,

ayaktadır çünkü türkün aslanı
for the lion of the Turks has risen!

ey samsun, Ankara, erzurum, sivas
Hey Samsun, Ankara, Erzurum, Sivas!

can verdi pençende kanlı ihtiras
Bloody ambition crashed under your claws.

başarmak bir ona, bir de türke has
Success is a gift only to him and the Turks.

şasırttı iraden bir anda bütün cihanı
The whole world was bewildered by your will!

bereket ayıdır bu yağmurlu ay
A month of blessings this rainy month,

hareket ayıdır bu uğurlu ay
a month for action this favored month,

toplandı bu ayda yüce komutay(?)
the great parliament was summoned this very month.

unutma türk genci 23 nisanı
Turkish youth, don’t forget April 23rd!



...23 nisan 1920
...April 23rd, 1920

bu tarih, gazi Mustafa kemal’in
is the day when Mustafa Kemal Atatürk,

kahramanların ve vatan için çarpan dev yüreklerin
the heroes and all other great hearts of our land...

sevdasını çocuklarımızla birleştirdigi, bütünleştirdiği gündür
united their love with our children.

onlar için savaşılmadı mı bu alanlarda
Were they not the ones this land was fought for?

kaç gece uykusuz kalmadı mı büyükler
Was it not for them our saviors were sleepless for nights?

bu ülkeye 23 nisanlarda dünya çocukları konuk olur
On April 23rd, this country hosts children of the world.

rengarenk bir şenliktir bu
A colorful celebration,

yeryüzünün çocuklarını düşünen biricik önderinin armağanı
a gift from our great leader who cares about the children of the world.

sevinelim, o kadar çok sevinelim ki arkadaşlar
Rejoice friends! Let us rejoice so greatly that…

neşemiz taşsın sınırlarımızdan
our joy shall go beyond our borders...

dünyanın bütün üzgün çocuklarına geçsin sevincimiz
and reach all unhappy children in the world.

açın tarih kitaplarını, açın bakın
Open your history books. Open and look!

bir fotoğraf göreceksiniz
A photograph you shall see:

ağır giysiler içinde bir adam,
a man in heavy clothing,

uzaklara bakan bir dağ, gökçe bir ırmak
a mountain that tips the horizon, a broad river;

türkiye büyük millet meclisi başkanı Mustafa kemal
the president of the Turkish Parliament: Mustafa Kemal Atatürk!

yakasında bembeyaz bir mendil,
A pure white handkerchief on his collar,

içi çocuk düşleriyle dolu
his soul filled with dreams of children...

çocuklarımızın gülüşleriyle
with the smiles of our children.

i,soldier dialogue list

I am a soldier,
A soldier I am
The soul in me is…
an expression of discipline, morality and patriotism.
For the reason of my existence is not to live but let live
Who says a soldier does not feel hunger?
Sure he does, for soldier is human
Who says a soldier does not feel fatigue?
Sure he does, for soldier is human
Who says a soldier does not feel love?
For sure he does, and he loves like a man!
Only one thing a soldier does not…
There is only one thing a soldier can not do;
he cannot be killed; soldier is immortal.
He will turn into a flower that blossoms on mountaintops,
he will become a martyr, and live forever in loving hearts,
his shed blood will paint the red of our flag.
No tombstone can tame his vastness…
Come my soul mate, come!
Come my holy hearth come!
Hey! My braveheart of the East!
Hey! My braveheart of the Aegean!
Hey! My braveheart of the Black Sea!
Hey! My Anatolian braveheart!
Come!
The bridal dress of my sister; (My sister’s wedding dress)
The final coat of my martyr.
In the shadow of the blood red flag,
Come, with pride, with persistence, with dignity
Come, let your feet crash the ground.
Here they come!!!